SOLOMONSPALDINGDOTCOM SPECIAL  COLLECTIONS Early Mormonism Collection 3     Thomas Ford (former Governor of Illinois)     History of Illinois     (Chicago: S. C. Griggs & Co. 1854) Links to Chapters (chapter titles from 1945 Lakeside Press edition) Introduction  by James Shields   Contents  (with links to chapters)   Preface  "To the Public" by Ford   Chapter 1  The Achievement of Statehood, 1818-1821 Chapter 2  The Pioneer State, 1821-1827 Chapter 3  Political and Social Development, 1827-1830 Chapter 4  The Black Hawk War, 1831-1832 Chapter 5  Conclusion of the War. 1832 PART 2 OF 3 E-TEXT PARTS Chapter 6  The Internal Improvement Era, 1833-1840 Chapter 7  Judicial and Financial Issues, 1838-1842 Chapter 8  Civil and Religious Discord, 1841-1842 Chapter 9  Financial Ills and Legislative Remedies, 1842 Chapter 10  Politics and Mormonism, 1843-1844 Chapter 11  The Downfall of Joseph Smith, 1844-1845 Chapter 12  The Canal Problem and Its Solution, 1843-1845 Chapter 13  Expulsion of the Mormons, 1845-1846 Chapter 14  Crime and Violence in Massac County, 1846 1854 Map of Illinois  (under construction)   return to page 165 [166] CHAPTER VI. First efforts for a Railroad system -- Central Railroad -- Impeachment of Judge Smith -- Benjamin Mills -- Other efforts to impeach judges -- Effect on the public mind -- Election of Governor -- Governor Duncan -- Creation of a new State Bank -- Conrad Will -- Means of passing its charter -- Road tax -- Hooking timber -- Preachers employed to preach against trespasses -- Veto power -- Banking in Illinois -- Increase of the Bank Stock -- Stock readily taken -- Intrigues of the subscribers -- State Bank goes into the hands of Thomas Mather and his friends -- Effort to build up Alton -- The Lead trade -- Unfortunate speculations -- Real estate fund -- Hostility of the Democrats -- Illinois and Michigan canal -- George Forquer's report -- Bill to borrow money -- Passed with an amendment to borrow on the credit of canal lands -- Great speculation in 1835-'6 -- Internal Improvement system -- Means of passing it -- Calculations of its funds -- Election of Board of Public Works -- Bank suspensions, negotiations -- Election of Governor in 1838 -- Thomas Carlin -- Cyrus Edwards -- Maxim of politicians -- Explosion of the Internal Improvement system -- Presidential election of 1840 -- Further history of parties -- Work on the canal -- Payment of interest -- Mr. Cavarly's bill. After the Black Hawk war, nothing of importance occurred until the session of the legislature of 1832-'3; which was distinguished for the first efforts seriously made to construct railroads, and to impeach one of the judges. Several charters passed to incorporate railroad companies; and an effort was made to procure a charter for a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Illinois river, in place of a canal. The stock in none of these companies was ever taken. At this session also were first proposed in the Senate, surveys for a railroad across the State through Springfield; and the central railroad from Peru to Cairo. George Forquer proposed the first, and the last was proposed by Lieutenant Governor Jenkins, though the central railroad had before been suggested in a newspaper publication by Judge Breese, now Senator in Congress. Numerously signed petitions from the people were sent up to this legislature, praying the impeachment of Theophilus W.   [167] Smith, one of the justices of the Supreme Court, for oppressive conduct and misdemeanors in office. Witnesses were sent for, and examined by the House of Representatives. Articles of impeachment were voted and sent up to the Senate, charging the judge with selling a clerk's office, of one of the circuit courts; with swearing out vexatious writs returnable before himself; for the purpose of oppressing innocent men by holding them to bail, and then continuing the suits for several terms in a court of which he was judge; with imprisoning a Quaker for not taking off his hat in court; and with suspending a lawyer from practice for advising his client to apply for a change of venue to some other circuit, where Judge Smith did not preside. A solemn trial was had before the Senate, which sat as a high court of impeachment, and which trial lasted for several weeks. The judge was prosecuted by a committee of managers from the House of Representatives, of which Benjamin Mills was chairman. This highly-gifted man shone forth with uncommon brilliancy, in three days summing up, by way of conclusion, on the side of the prosecution. At last the important day and hour came when a vote was to be taken, which was to be a sentence of doom to one of the magnates of the land, or was to restore him to his high office, and to the confidence of his friends. But during the progress of the trial, Judge Smith procured some one to go into the Senate chamber regularly after every adjournment and gather up the scraps of paper on the desks of the senators, upon which they had scribbled during the trial. From these, much information was obtained as to the feelings of senators, their doubts and difficulties; and this enabled him and his counsel to direct their evidence and arguments to better advantage. The whole country looked with anxious expectation for the result of this trial. The vote being taken, it appeared that twelve of the senators concurred in believing him guilty of some of the specifications; ten were in favor of acquitting him; and four were excused from voting. It appears   [168] from the journals, that fifteen senators, being a majority of two-thirds of the senators voting, had voted him guilty of one or the other of the specifications; but as twelve was the highest vote against him, on any one specification, he was acquitted. The House of Representatives, by a two-thirds vote, immediately passed a resolution to remove him by address, but the resolution failed in the Senate. Afterwards, other efforts were made to impeach judges for misconduct, but without success. So that latterly the legislature has refused even to make an effort to bring a judge to trial; knowing that whether guilty or innocent, such an effort can have no other result, than to increase the length and expenses of the session. This conviction has been so general among intelligent men, that it has had a wonderful effect in creating a feeling in favor of limiting the term of service of the judges. In August, 1834, another election came on for Governor, which resulted in the choice of Governor Duncan. Lieutenant Governor Kinney was again the opposition candidate. By this time Governor Duncan had become thoroughly estranged from the friends and administration of Gen. Jackson, But as he was absent in Congress when he became a candidate, and never returned until after the election, the rank and file of the Jackson party had no means of ascertaining his defection. It was known to the anti-Jackson men, and to the leading men of the Jackson party. These last had not credit enough with their party friends to make them believe if, nor would they believe it, until the publication of the new governor's inaugural message, which took bold and strong ground against the measures of Gen. Jackson's administration. About this time the anti-Jackson party began generally to take the name of Whigs; and attempted to base it, as did the whigs of the revolution, upon opposition to the executive power. It may be well here to give some further account of Governor Duncan. He was a native of Kentucky; and when quite young, obtained an ensign's commission during   [169] the war of 1812. He was with Col. Croughan and his handful of men, at the defence of Fort Stephenson, against ten times their number of British and Indians. This brilliant affair was the means of distinguishing all the inferior officers engaged in it, and immortalized their commander. Governor Duncan was a man of genteel, affable, and manly deportment; with a person remarkably well adapted to win the esteem and affections of his fellow-citizens. He had not been long a citizen of this State, before he was elected major-general of the militia, and then a State Senator, where he distinguished himself in the session of 1824-'5, by being the author of the first common school law which was ever passed in this State. He was next elected to Congress, in which he continued as a member of the House of Representatives, until he was elected governor in 1834. He was a man of but Little education or knowledge, except what he had picked up during his public services, and he had profited to the utmost by these advantages. He had a sound judgment, a firm confidence in his own convictions of right, and a moral courage in adhering to his convictions, which is rarely met with. A new legislature was elected at the same time with Governor Duncan, which met at Vandalia in Dec. 1834. At that time, the State was in a very flourishing and prosperous condition. Population and wealth were pouring into it from all the old States. The great speculation in lands and town lots, shortly afterwards so rife, had made only a beginning, and that at Chicago alone. The people were industrious, and contented with the usual profits of labor, skill, and capital. They were free from debt; and the treasury of the State, for once, had become solvent; paying all demands in cash. If the prevalent speculations, further east, had not commenced in Illinois, there were certainly very many persons who were anxious that they should begin; for at this session, the legislature undertook to better the condition of public and private affairs, by chartering   [170] a new State Bank with a capital of one million five hundred thousand dollars; and by reviving the charter of the bank at Shawneetown, with a capital of three hundred thousand dollars, which had once broke, and had ceased to do business for twelve years. This was the beginning of all the bad legislation which followed in a few years, and which, as is well known, resulted in general ruin. At the commencement of this session, no one could have anticipated the creation of a bank. The people, with one accord, ever since the failure of the old State Bank of 1821, had looked upon local banks with disfavor. And the whigs at that time, contending as they were, for a national bank; were thought to be hostile to banks of any other kind. But a large majority of them in both branches of the legislature, voted for these bank charters. The United States Bank, vetoed by Gen. Jackson, was about to go out of existence. Mr. Woodbury, the United States secretary of the treasury, had encouraged the State and local banks to discount liberally, with a view to supply the deficiency of currency, anticipated upon the discontinuance of the United States Bank. From this, very many democrats inferred it to be the wish of Gen. Jackson's administration, that State banks should be created where they did not exist; and with this view, these democrats were now in favor of the creation of banks. The intrigues practiced to pass these charters, are but imperfectly known to me. The charter for the State Bank was drawn, by Judge Smith, and presented in the Senate by Conrad Will, of Jackson county. It was in honor of him that the county of Will was subsequently named. He was not remarkable for anything except his good-humor, and for having been long a member of the legislature. One member of the Senate, who was bitterly hostile to all banks, and was opposed to the Shawneetown Bank bill on constitutional grounds, as he declared from his place in the Senate, gave both the bank charters his hearty support in consideration of assistance in passing a law to levy a tax on   [171] land in the military tract, for road purposes; and a member of the House supported them, because the bank men made him a State's attorney. It may be thought strange, that an increase of taxes was so earnestly insisted on at that early day, as to be made the subject of log-rolling in the creation of a bank. But it is to be remembered, that the military lands were then owned principally by non-residents, who were unwilling to sell except at high prices. Every town built, farm made, road opened, bridge or school-house erected by the settlers in their vicinity, added to the value of these lands, at no expense to the non-resident. The people persuaded themselves that in improving their own farms, they mere putting money into the pockets of men who did nothing for the country, except to skin it as fast as any hide grew on it. This tax was called for, to make the non-resident owner contribute his share to the improvement of the country, and thus by burdening his land with taxes, render him more willing to sell it. A very bad state of feeling existed towards the non-resident land-owners; the timber on their land was considered free plunder, to be cut and swept away by every comer; the owners brought suits for damage, but where the witnesses and jurors were all on one side, justice was forced to go with them. The non-residents at last bethought themselves of employing and sending out ministers of the gospel, to preach to the people against the sin of stealing, or hooking timber, as it was called. These preachers each had a circuit, or district of country assigned them to preach in, and were paid by the sermon, but I have never learned that the non-resident land- owners succeeded any better in protecting their property by the gospel, than they did at law. But to return to the banks. How many other converts were made in their favor, by similar means, must remain forever a secret. The State Bank charter was passed in the House of Representatives by a majority of one vote; so that it may be   [172] said that making of a State's attorney made a State Bank. The vote in the legislature was not a party vote; the banks were advocated and supported upon grounds of public utility and expediency; and like on the vote upon the internal improvement system, which followed at the next session, both whigs and democrats were earnestly invited to lay party feelings aside, and all go, at least once, for the good of the country. Whenever I have heard this cry since, I have always suspected that some great mischief was to be done, for which no party desired to be responsible to the people. As majorities have the power, so it is their duty to carry on the government. The majority, as long as parties are necessary in a free government, ought never to divide, and a portion of it join temporarily with the minority. It should always have the wisdom and courage to adopt all the measures necessary for good government. As a general thing, if the minority is anything more than a faction, if it has any principles, and is true to them, it will rally an opposition to all that is done by the majority; and even if it is convinced that the measures of the majority are right, it is safest for the minority to compel the majority to take the undivided responsibility of government. By this means there will always be a party to expose the faults and blunders of our rulers; and the majority will be more careful what they do. But if the minority mixes itself up with the majority in the support of great measures, which prove unfortunate for the country, neither party can expose the error without prostrating its own favorites. In this way, many persons now prominent as politicians in this State, have gone unwhipped of justice, who otherwise would have been consigned to an unfathomable oblivion. Certain it is, that if this course had been observed in the enactment of the disastrous measures of this and the succeeding session of the legislature, the dominant party would never have: dared, as it did not afterwards dare, to risk the continuance of popular favor, by supporting such a policy.   [173] These banks were brought into existence in violation of the plainest principles of political economy. The State was young. There was no social or business organization upon any settled principles. A large crowd of strangers, as it were, had met here for adventure. Our most sagacious citizens were of this sort. We had no cities, no trade, no manufactures, and no punctuality in the payment of debts. We exported little or nothing. We had no surplus capital, and consequently the capitol for banking must come from abroad. Some few then foresaw, what proved true, that it would be difficult to find directors and officers for two banks and numerous branches, who, from their known integrity and financial knowledge, would be entitled to the public confidence. The stockholders would (as they did) reside abroad, in other States. They could not supervise the conduct of the directory in person. It was probable that many improvident loans would be made, and that the banks would be greatly troubled in making their collections. It appears to me that banking cannot be successful in any country where the capital comes necessarily from abroad. The stockholders will be imposed on. They cannot conveniently meet in proper person to examine the banks, but must from year to year trust everything to agents, who, the whole world says, never manage other people's business as well as their own, Banking cannot succeed except in a state of settled, organized society, where honesty, truth, and fidelity are paramount; where the merchants and business men have all received a regular commercial training; where they have been educated from their youth upwards in the principles and practice of commercial honor and punctuality; where a bank protest, by breaking a man and closing his business, is more terrible than imprisonment; where the laws favor the collection of debts, and the whole people are in the habit of prompt payment. In such a society, honest and capable men may be readily found to manage banks, and those who deal with them may be relied on   [174] for punctuality. I place great stress upon punctuality, as the vital principle of safe banking. Because if the debtors of the bank do not pay, the bank itself cannot. Nor can banking succeed in a State where the great body of the people, or any considerable party of them, are opposed to banks. Some project to repeal their charter, or harass them, will be started at every session of the legislature, and they will be strongly tempted to extend their favors further than safety will warrant, for the purpose of silencing opposition. In a community like Illinois, there are scores of men in every county who, from their business, or rather want of business, and want of punctuality, cannot with safety be favored by a bank. Yet such men are not destitute of political importance and influence, and can give the banks great trouble if a loan is refused. Favor to such persons is a fraud upon the stockholders and the community which credits the circulation. Nevertheless, banks are driven to accommodate such persons, and, in fact, to absolute bribery, for the purpose of buying their peace. I aver, without fear of contradiction, that when these banks were chartered, there was, in a manner, no surplus capital in the State; that the capital came mostly from abroad; that the stockholders resided at a distance, and never had a meeting, in proper person, in this State; that we had no cities, and but few large towns; that, in a manner, we exported nothing, but imported everything except meat and breadstuffs, and indeed much of these. We had no settled society. The business men were not generally men of commercial training and education. The laws did not favor the collection of debts, nor did the public sentiment frown upon a want of punctuality. After the internal improvement system was adopted at a subsequent session, its friends increased the capital of these banks, by making the State a stockholder in each. The capital of the State Bank was increased two millions of dollars, and the Illinois Bank one million four hundred thousand dollars.   [175] The stock in the State Bank was readily and greedily taken, and the subscriptions greatly exceeded the amount allowed by the charter. Early in the spring of 1835, John Tillson, jr., then of Hillsboro; Thomas Mather, then of Kaskaskia; Godfrey Gilman & Co., then of Alton; Theophilus W. Smith, then one of the judges of the Supreme Court; and Samuel Wiggins, of Cincinnati, made arrangements to obtain large sums of money in the eastern cities, principally in New York and Connecticut, to be invested in this stock. The charter required the advance of five dollars on each share subscribed, and gave a preference to citizens of the State. It also provided against the undue influence of large stockholders, by reducing their (proportional) vote for directors. These provisions made it desirable, not only that all the stock should be subscribed by citizens of the State, but also, that all subscriptions should be small in amount. Accordingly, each of these gentlemen, with a view of monopolizing the stock and controlling the bank, employed men all over the country to obtain powers of attorney from any and all who were willing to execute them, authorizing one or the other of these persons to act as their agents in subscribing for stock, and to transfer and control it afterwards. Many thousands of such subscriptions were made, in the names of as many thousands who never dreamed of being bankers, and who do not know to this day that they were ever, apparently, the owners of bank stock. The contest for the control of the bank was between Judge Smith, on the one side, and the other gentlemen named, on the other. When the commissioners met to apportion the stock, a motion was made, that all subscriptions by or for the use of citizens of the State, should be preferred to subscriptions made for the use of persons residing abroad, and requiring all holders of proxies to make oath as to the fact of residence or non-residence. This resolution was advocated by Judge Smith, who stood ready, as it was said, to swear that all the stock subscribed   [176] by him, in his own name or by power of attorney, bona fide belonged to him, and had been paid for by his own money. The other great operators could not make such an oath, and consequently opposed the resolution, which was defeated. Tillson, Mather, Wiggins, and Godfrey Gilman & Co., combined against Smith. They obtained a controlling portion of the stock. Mather was made president, and a directory was elected, who were in the interest of the combination. The directors appointed were probably as good men for the trust as could have been found in the State. As I have said, the stock in the State Bank having been taken, it went into operation under the control of Thomas Mather and his friends, in 1835. The Alton interest in it was very large. Godfrey Gilman & Co., merchants of Alton, had obtained control of a large part of the stock; enough, in case of division, to control the election of directors. To conciliate them, the bank undertook to lend its aid to build up Alton, in rivalry of St. Louis. At this time, a strong desire was felt by many to create a commercial emporium in our own State, and it was hoped that Alton could be made such a place. As yet, however, nearly the whole trade of Illinois, Wisconsin, and of the Upper Mississippi, was concentrated at St. Louis. The little pork, beef, wheat, flour, and such other articles as the country afforded for export, were sent to St. Louis to be shipped. All the lead of the upper and lower lead-mines was shipped from or on account of the merchants of St. Louis. Exchange on the east to any amount could only be purchased at St. Louis; and many of the smaller merchants all over the country went to St. Louis to purchase their assortments. The State Bank undertook to break up this course of things, and divert these advantages to Illinois. Godfrey Gilman & Co. were supplied with about $800,000, to begin on the lead business. By their agents, they made heavy purchases of lead, and had it shipped to Alton. Stone, Manning & Co., another Alton   [177] firm, were furnished with several hundred thousand dollars, with which to operate in produce; and Sloo & Co. obtained large loans for the same purpose. The design of the parties, of course, was not accomplished. Instead of building up Alton, enriching its merchants, and giving the bank a monopoly of exchanges on the east, these measures resulted in crushing Alton, annihilating its merchants, and breaking the bank. This result ought to have been foreseen. The St. Louis merchants had more capital in business than ten such banks, and twenty such cities as Alton. They were intimately connected, either as owners or agents, in all the steamboats running on the Illinois and Upper Mississippi. These boats required an up-river as well as a down-river freight;. The up-river freight could only be got in St. Louis, and would not be furnished to boats known to be engaged in the Alton conspiracy. The merchants in Galena and throughout the Upper Mississippi and Illinois country, were connected in trade with the St. Louis merchants, many of them owing balances not convenient to be paid, and enjoying standing credits which could not be dispensed with. The Alton merchants, however, commenced operations on the moneys furnished by the bank, and they were so anxious to obtain a monopoly of purchases, that prices rose immediately, The price of lead rose in a short time from $2.75 to $64.25 per hundred. This did not appear to be the best way of monopolizing the lead trade. Therefore, Godfrey Gilman & Co. furnished their agent in Galena some two or three hundred thousand dollars to purchase lead-mines and smelting establishments. This agent was a manly, frank, honorable, and honest man, but wild and reckless in the extreme. He bought all the mines and smelting establishments he could get, and some lots in Galena, He scattered money with a profuse and princely hand. The effect was apparent in a short time. Property in Galena rose in a few months more than two thousand per cent. While such great exertions were making to divert the lead trade to Alton,   [178] and while such lavish expenditures at Galena raised, its price there, they could not keep up the price in the eastern cities, its destined market. The lead was kept in store in New York a year or two, in hopes the prices would rise. The owners were at last compelled to sell at a great sacrifice, and the operation ruined all concerned. Stone, Manning & Co., and Sloo & Co., were equally unfortunate. I think the bank must have lost by all its Alton operations near a million of dollars, and was nearly insolvent before the end of the second year of its existence, though the fact was unknown to the people. This is an example of the danger of endeavoring to force trade, wholly against nature, out of its accustomed channels. Let it be a warning also to all banks, not to engage, either by themselves or by their agents, in the ordinary business of trade and speculation. The democrats helped to make the banks, but the whigs controlled the most money, which gave them the control of the banks. The president and a large majority of the directors and other officers were whigs; just enough of democrats had been appointed to avoid the appearance of proscription. Thus the democrats were defeated at least once in the contest for the "spoils,' and probably it will always be thus when long purses are to decide who are the "victors." When the State Bank was created, its projectors, to make it popular, attached to it a provision for a real estate fund, to the amount of a million of dollars, to be lent out on mortgages of land. This was intended to conciliate the farmers, as thereby the bank would become a sort of farmers' bank, out of which the farmers could obtain money on a mortgage of their farms. But this was really the worst feature in the whole project. At this day it will be generally acknowledged that no farmer ought ever to borrow money to carry on his farm. The only mode in which a farmer can be benefited by a bank, is for Merchants and traders to borrow money and pay it out to farmers for their   [179] produce. But very many farmers did borrow, and very few of them were able to pay. Their farms were taken away from them; and so this popular lure to the farmers operated like setting out huge steel traps to catch their plantations. The fact that the presidents and cashiers of the principal bank and branches, and a very great majority of the directors and other officers, were whigs, was sufficient to dub the bank a whig concern. It was viewed with great jealousy by the democrats. Judge Smith headed an opposition to it; and although he had written the charter, and urged its passage upon his friends in the legislature, he did not hesitate to declare it unconstitutional. He was joined by Judge McRoberfs, Receiver of public moneys at Danville, and many other leaders of the party. The bank made an effort to get the deposits of public money, but it had become so odious to the democrats, and such representations had been made at Washington, that the Secretary of the Treasury refused its application. The consequence was, that a continual run was made upon it for specie to enter Government land. To avoid this continual drain of specie, the bank adopted the expedient of sending its notes purporting to have been issued at one branch, to be loaned a another, and by this means keeping its circulation at a distance from the place of payment. Here I will leave the subject of the bank for the present and notice another important matter acted upon by the legislature at the session of 1834-'5. This was the Illinois and Michigan canal. As early as 1821, the legislature appropriated $10,000 for a survey of the route of this canal. Judge Smith and others were appointed commissioners, and they again appointed Rene Paul, of St. Louis, and Justice Post, now of Alexander county, as engineers. A survey of the route was made. The work was reported eminently practicable, and the cost of construction was estimated at a sum near six or seven hundred thousand dollars. In 1826, Congress donated to the   [180] State about 300,000 acres of land on the route of the canal, in aid of the work In 1825, a law was passed incorporating a company to make the canal. The stock was never subscribed. And in 1828, another law was passed, providing for the sale of lots and lands, for the appointment of a board of canal commissioners, and for the commencement of the work. Nothing was done under this law, except the sale of some land and lots, and a new survey of the route and estimate of costs, by the new engineer, Mr. Bucklin. The estimate this time ran into millions instead of thousands, but was yet too low, as experience has subsequently demonstrated. After that time there were various projects of giving the work to a company, or of making a railroad instead of a canal. But nothing effectual was proposed to be done until the session of 1834-'5. At this session of the legislature, George Forquer, a senator for Sangamon county, as chairman of the committee on internal improvements, proposed and made an elaborate report in favor of a loan of half a million of dollars, on the credit of the State, to begin with. I call the report an elaborate one, because it is so: perhaps more able than any similar document submitted to any of the western legislatures. It contains evidence of vast research, and abundance of facts and probable conjectures, and is expressed in language at once pleasing, brilliant, and attractive, The report was accompanied by a bill authorizing a loan on the credit of the State, which passed the Senate, and would certainly have passed the legislature, but for the fact that the governor, in his general message, and also in a special message, asserted with confidence that the money could be obtained upon a pledge of the canal lands alone, Amended in this particular, the bill passed, and has served as a model for all the subsequent laws on that subject. The report was justly liable to one criticism. The cost was estimated too low. The Senate ordered 5,000 copies of it to be published for the information of the people. This was the first efficient   [181] movement in favor of the canal. The loan under this law failed; but at a special session in 1835, a law was introduced by James M. Strode, then a senator representing all the country including and north of Peoria, authorizing a loan of half a million of dollars on the credit of the State. This loan was negotiated by Governor Duncan in 1836, and with this money a commencement was made on the canal in the month of June of that year. William F. Thornton, Gurdon S. Hubbard, and William B. Archer, all whigs, were appointed the first canal commissioners under this law. In the spring and summer of 1836, the great land and town lot speculation of those times had fairly reached and spread over Illinois. It commenced in this State first at Chicago, and was the means of building up that place in a year or two from a village of a few houses, to be a city of several thousand inhabitants. The story of the sudden fortunes made there, excited at first wonder and amazement, next a gambling spirit of adventure, and lastly, an all-absorbing desire for sudden and splendid wealth. Chicago had been for some time only one great town market. The plats of towns, for a hundred miles around, were carried there to be disposed of at auction. The eastern people had caught the mania. Every vessel coming west was loaded with them, their money and means, bound for Chicago, the great fairy land of fortunes. But as enough did not come to satisfy the insatiable greediness of the Chicago sharpers and speculators, they frequently consigned their wares to eastern markets. Thus, a vessel would be freighted with land and town lots, for the New York and Boston markets, at less cost than a barrel of flour. In fact, lands and town lots were the staple of the country, and were the only articles of export. The example of Chicago was contagious. It spread to all the towns and villages of the State. New towns were laid out in every direction. The number of towns multiplied so rapidly,   [182] that it was waggishly remarked by many people, that the whole country was likely to be laid out into towns; and that; no land would be left for farming purposes. The judgments of all our business men were unsettled, and their minds occupied only by the one idea, the all-absorbing desire of jumping into a fortune. As all had bought more town lots and lands than many of them could pay for, and more than any of them could sell, it was supposed that if the country could be rapidly settled, its resources developed, and wealth invited from abroad, that all the towns then of any note would soon become cities, and that the other towns, laid out only for speculation, and then without in habitants, would immediately become thriving and populous villages, the wealth of all would be increased, and the town lot market would be rendered stable and secure. With a view to such a consummation, a system of internal improvements began to be agitated in the summer and fall of 1836. It was argued that Illinois had all the natural advantages which constitute a great State; a rich soil, variety of climate, and great extent of territory. It only wanted inhabitants and enterprise. These would be invited by a system of improvements; timber would be carried by railroad to fence the prairies; and the products of the prairies, by the same means, would be brought to market. The people began o hold public meetings and pass resolutions on the subject; and before the next winter, most of the counties had appointed delegates to an internal improvement convention, to be assembled at the seat of government. This body of delegates assembled at the same time with the legislature of 1836-'7. It devised and recommended to the legislature a system of internal improvements; the chief feature of which was, "that it should be commensurate with the wants of the people." Thus the general desire of sudden and unwarrantable gain; a dissatisfaction with the slow but sure profits of industry and lawful commerce, produced a general phrenzy. Speculation was the order of the day, and   [183] every possible means was, hastily and greedily adopted to give an artificial value to property. in accomplishing this object at to the manner and means, our people surrendered their judgments to the dictates of a wild imagination. No scheme was so extravagant as not to appear plausible to some. The most wild calculations were made of the advantages of a system of internal improvements; of the resources of the State to meet all expenditures; and of our final ability to pay all indebtedness without taxation. Mere possibilities appeared highly probable; and probability wore the livery of certainty itself. I have said that our people were moved by these influences but only those are meant who attended these meetings, and aided in sending and instructing delegates to the internal improvement convention. It is not true that the whole people were thus moved or thus acted. These meetings were generally held in the towns, and mostly attended by the town people. The great body of the people in the country treated the subject with indifference. But this silence was taken for consent. The voice of these meetings was considered as the voice of the people, and the voice of the people as "the voice, of God," as many of the members of the legislature felt themselves instructed by it to vote for some system of internal improvements. The legislature at this session took up the subject in full earnest; and in the course of the winter passed a system providing for railroads from Galena to the mouth of the Ohio; from Alton to Shawneetown; from Alton to Mount Carmel; from Alton to the eastern boundary of the State, in the direction of Terre Haute; from Quincy on the Mississippi, through Springfield to the Wabash; from Bloomington to Pekin; and from Peoria to Warsaw; including in the whole about 1,300 miles of road. It also provided for the improvement of the navigation of the Kaskaskia, Illinois, Great and Little Wabash and Rock rivers. And besides this, two hundred thousand   [184] dollars were to be distributed amongst those counties through which no roads or improvements were to be made. The legislature voted $8,000,000 to the system, which was to be raised by a loan. As a part of the system also, the canal from Chicago to Peru was to be prosecuted to completion, and a further loan of four millions of dollars was authorized for that purpose. The legislature had already established a board of canal commissioners. They now established a board of fund commissioners to negotiate the new loans for the railroads; and a board of commissioners of public works, one for each judicial circuit, then seven in number, to superintend construction. And as a crowning act of folly, it was provided that the work should commence simultaneously on all the roads at each end, and from the crossings of all the rivers. It is very obvious now that great errors were committed. It was utterly improbable that the great number of public officers and agents for the faithful prosecution of so extensive and cumbrous a system, could be found in the State; or if found, it was less likely that the best material would be selected. But the legislature went on to create a multitude of officers, for a multitude of men, who were all to be engaged in the expenditure of money, and superintending improvements, as if there were a hundred De Witt Clintons in the State; but there is no limit to the conceit of aspiring ignorance. Indeed, our past experience goes for to show that it has not yet been safe for Illinois, as a government, Do have any very complicated or extensive interests to manage, for the want of men to manage them; and for the want of an enlightened public will to sustain able and faithful public servants, and to hold the unfaithful to a just and strict account. The legislature were to elect the members of the board of public works, and these offices were very near being filled by the election of members of the legislature. It is true, that the constitution made them ineligible, by providing   [185] that no member should be appointed to an office created during the term for which he had been elected. Governor Duncan announced his determination not to commission members of the legislature, if elected, to these offices. A law was attempted to be passed dispensing with a commission from the governor, although the constitution provides that all civil officers shall be commissioned by him. It had been too much the case, in the Illinois legislature, that when a majority were set upon accomplishing their purpose, no constitutional barriers were sufficient to restrain them. Ingenious reasons were never wanting to satisfy the consciences of the more timid; so that many regretted that there was any constitution at all, by the violation of which, members were forced to commit perjury to accomplish their utilitarian views. A vigorous effort was made in the two houses to elect members to these offices; but not quite a majority could be obtained in favor of it. The joint meeting was adjourned for one day, and on the next, persons were elected who were not members of the legislature. No previous survey or estimate had been made, either of the routes, the costs of the works, or the amount of business to be done on them. The arguments in favor of the system were of a character most difficult to refute, composed as they were partly of fact, but mostly of prediction. In this way I have heard it proved, to general satisfaction, by an ingenious orator in the lobby, that the State could well afford to borrow a hundred millions of dollars, and expend it in making internal improvements. The orators in favor of the system all aimed to argue their way logically, and the end has showed, that the counsels of a sound judgment, guided by common sense, jumping at conclusions, are to be preferred to ingenious speculation, Nothing is more delusive in public affairs than a series of ingenious reasonings. In this way John C. Calhoun, in his report on the Memorial of the Memphis Convention, proved conclusively that it is constitutional to build a single pier on the lakes, but it would   [186] be unconstitutional to, build two of them close together, and parallel, for then they would be a harbor. In the same manner he proved if to be constitutional to improve the channels of the great Western rivers, but utterly unconstitutional to improve them near shore, so that boats could have a landing; and in the same manner he proved that it was constitutional to improve the navigation of rivers common to three or more States, but unconstitutional to improve a river running through a single State, although it might be the channel of trade for half the nation. The means used in the legislature to pass the system, deserve some notice for the instruction of posterity. First, a large portion of the people were interested in the success of the canal, which was threatened, if other sections of the State were denied the improvements demanded by them; and thus the friends of the canal were forced to log-roll for that work by supporting others which were to be ruinous to the country. Roads and improvements were proposed everywhere, to enlist every section of the State. Three or four efforts were made to pass a smaller system, and when defeated, the bill would be amended by the addition of other roads, until a majority was obtained for it. Those counties which could not be thus accommodated were to share in the fund of two hundred thousand dollars. Three roads were appointed to terminate at Alton, before the Alton interest would agree to the system. The seat of government was to be removed to Springfield. Sangamon county, in which Springfield is situated, was then represented by two senators and seven representatives, called" the long nine," all whigs but one. Amongst them were some dexterous jugglers and managers in politics, whose whole object was to obtain the seat of government for Springfield. This delegation, from the beginning of the session, threw itself as a unit in support of, or opposition to, every local measure of interest, but never without a bargain for votes in return on the seat of government question.   [187] Most of the other counties were small, having but one representative, and many of them with but one for a whole district; and this gave Sangamon county a decided preponderance in the log-rolling system of those days, It is worthy of examination whether any just and equal legislation can ever be sustained where some of the counties are great and powerful and others feeble. But by such means "the long nine" rolled along like a snow-ball, gathering accessions of strength at every turn, until they swelled up a considerable party for Springfield, which party they managed to take almost as an unit in favor of the internal improvement system, in return for which the active supporters of that system were to vote for Springfield to be the seat of government. Thus it was made to cost the State about six millions of dollars to remove the seat of government from Vandalia to Springfield, half which sum would have purchased all the real estate in that town at three prices; and thus by log-rolling on the canal measure, by multiplying railroads, by terminating three railroads at Alton, that Alton might become a great city in opposition to St. Louis, by distributing money to some of the counties, to be wasted by the county commissioners, and by giving the seat of government to Springfield, was the whole State bought up and bribed, to approve the most senseless and disastrous policy which ever crippled the energies of a growing country. The examples of Pennsylvania and Indiana in adopting a similar system were powerfully urged by the deluded demagogues of this legislature, to delude their fellow members, and to quiet the fears of the people. Now was developed for the first time a principle of government, or rather a destiny for government to aim at, which was to keep pace with the grand ideas which had seized upon the people of other States, -- ideas having in view not the improvement of individual man, by increasing his knowledge and power of thought, but merely by enriching his pockets.   [188] It appears by a report of a committee of the House of Representatives, that it was believed that the people were expecting, and anxious for a system of internal improvements; that the system would be of great utility in multiplying population and wealth; that such a system was entirely practicable; that the cost of it could be easily guessed at without previous surveys; that even small sums could be profitably expended upon the rivers;that estimates for the railroads could be ascertained by analogy and comparison with similar works in other States; that the system would cause a great deal of land to be entered, and increase the land tax, apart of which could go to form a fund to pay interest; that the tolls on parts of the roads as fast as they were completed both ways from the crossings of rivers and from considerable towns, would yield the interest on their cost; that the water-power made by improvements on the rivers, would rent for a large sum; that. lands were to be entered along all the roads by the State, which were to be resold for a higher price; that eminent financiers were to be elected fund commissioners, whose high standing and eminent qualifications were to reflect credit upon the State, and add to its resources; and with all these resources at command, that no great financial skill would be required in any future legislature to provide for paying the interest on the loans and carry the system to completion, without burdening the people. Such were the ingenious devices of this legislature, in all of which they were totally mistaken, as experience afterwards proved. Not a solitary one of these propositions has borne the test of experiment; but all have resulted just contrary to what was predicted. I will mention also, that it was confidently believed, in and out of the legislature, that the State stock to be issued, would command a premium of 10 per cent., which would go to swell the interest fund; that the stock in the banks would yield enough to pay interest on the bank bonds and a surplus besides; and that in fact the system was to be self-acting and self-sustaining;   [189] to provide for its own liquidation and payment, and enrich the State treasury into the bargain. I mention these calculations, all of which so signally failed; all of which were once so confidently believed, but which now appear so absurd and ridiculous, as a warning to all theoretical, visionary schemers in public affairs; and against the counsels of all impracticable, dreaming politicians. Let posterity remember it, and engrave it upon their hearts as a lesson of wisdom, that splendid abilities and the power of ingenious speculation are not statesmanship; but they may lead a country to the verge of ruin, unless guided by solid judgment and plain common sense; by which they are rarely accompanied. As no system could be passed except by log-rolling, and without providing for a simultaneous expenditure of money all over the State, it followed that none of the roads were ever completed. Detached parcels of them were graded on every road, the excavations and embankments of which will long remain as a memorial of the blighting-scathe done by this legislature; but nothing was finished, except the road from the Illinois river to Springfield, which cost about $1,000,000, and which now is not worth one hundred thousand dollars. I will here mention that this internal improvement law was returned by the Governor and council of revision, with their objections, but afterwards passed both houses by the constitutional majority. It is a singular fact, that all the foolish and ruinous measures which ever passed an Illinois legislature, would have been vetoed by the governor for the time being, if he had possessed the constitutional power. The old State Bank of 1821, which ruined the public finances and demoralized the people; and by which the State lost in various ways, more than its entire capital, would have been vetoed by Governor Bond. The laws creating the late banks and increasing their capital by making the State a stockholder to a large amount, and the internal improvement system, would have been vetoed   [190] by Governor Duncan. In all these cases the veto power would have been highly beneficial. I am aware that demagogues and flatterers of the people, have so far imitated the supple parasites in the courts of Monarchs, whose maxim is that the "king can do no wrong," as to steal the compliment and apply it to the people. They are contending everywhere that the people never err. Without disputing the infallibility of the people, we know that their representatives can and have erred; and do err most grievously. A qualified veto power in the executive, is a wholesome corrective. It can only operate to delay a good and popular measure; for if the people desire it with any unanimity, they will select representatives who will pass it, notwithstanding the veto. As I have already said, the capital stock of the State Bank was increased this session, in the whole, to the amount of $3,100,000, by making the State a stockholder. The stock of the Shawneetown Bank was increased to $1,700,000 in all. The Fund Commissioners were authorized to subscribe for this increase of stock, amounting to $3,400,000, a portion of which was to be paid for from the surplus revenues of the United States, and the residue by a sale of State bonds. And although the State was to have the majority of stock in both banks, yet were the private stockholders to have a majority of the directors. The banks were made the fiscal agents of the canal and railroad funds; and, upon the whole, it was a mere chance that the State did not lose its entire capital thus invested. It was supposed that the State bonds would sell for a premium of about 10 per cent., which would go to swell the interest fund; and that the dividends upon stock would not only pay the interest on the bonds, but furnish a large surplus to be carried, likewise, to the interest fund. However, when these bonds were offered in market, they could not be sold, even at par. The banks were accommodating, and rather than the speculation should fail, they agreed to take the bonds at par,   [191] as cash, amounting to $2,665,000. The Bank of Illinois sold their lot of $900,000, but the $1,765,000 in bonds disposed of to the State Bank, it is alleged, were never sold. They were, however, used as bank capital, and the bank expanded its business accordingly. In the spring of 1837, the banks throughout the United States suspended specie payments. The banks of Illinois followed the example of others. I will not dwell upon the causes of this movement, as they belong more to the history of the whole country than to that of a single State. The charter of the State Bank contained a provision, that if the institution refused specie payments for sixty days together, it should forfeit its charter. These banks were made the fiscal agents for the canal and the railroads. A large sum of public money was deposited in them, and if they went down, they would carry the canal and the internal improvement system in their train of ruin. Two of the canal commissioners visited Governor Duncan, and requested a call of the legislature to avert the evil. A special session was called in July. The governor's message made a statement of the matter, without any direct recommendation to legalize the suspension, and did recommend a repeal or classification of the internal improvement system. The legislature did legalize the suspension of specie payments, but refused to touch the subject of internal improvements. It was plain that nothing could be done to arrest the evil for near two years more. In the meantime all considerate persons hoped that the public insanity would subside, that the people would wake up to reflection, and see the utter absurdity of the public policy. They were disappointed. Loan after loan was effected, both in Europe and America. The United States Bank, then dealing in stocks, by which it was ruined, gave important aid to our negotiations. This bank itself took some of the loans, and lent its great credit to effect others. The loans made in America were at par, but those in Europe were at 9 per cent. discount.   [192] The banker paid 90 cents on the dollar to the State, and, as is alleged, 1 per cent. to the Fund Commissioners, for brokerage. A large contract was made for railroad iron at an extravagant price. The work continued to be prosecuted upon all the improvements. A new governor and new legislature were to be elected in August, 1838, from whose second sober thoughts relief was to be expected, unless the State should be irretrievably ruined in the meantime. At this election the question of the continuance of the railroad system was but feebly made. Cyrus Edwards, the whig candidate for governor, declared himself to be decidedly in favor of it. Thomas Carlin, the democratic candidate, was charged with secret hostility to it, but never so sufficiently explained his views, during the pendency of the election, that he could be charged with entertaining an opinion one way or the other. A large majority of the legislature was for the system. And although Mr. Carlin was elected governor, and most probably was opposed to it, yet, finding that nothing could be done with such a legislature, he was at the first session forced to keep silence. This legislature not only refused to repeal or modify the system, but added other works to it, requiring an additional expenditure of about $800,000. Thus was presented the spectacle of a whole people becoming infatuated, adopting a most ruinous policy, and continuing it for three years; in fact, until the whole scheme tumbled about their ears, and brought down the State to that ruin which all cool, reflecting men, saw from the first was inevitable. A special session was again called in 1938-'9. This session repealed the system, and provided for winding it up. By this time it became apparent that no more loans could be obtained at par. The Fund Commissioner, and those appointed to sell canal bonds, had adopted some ingenious expedients for raising   [193] money, all of which most signally failed. Upon the creation of the New York free banking system, a demand was at once created for State stocks, to set the swindling institutions under it in motion. The law required a deposit of State stocks of double the value of circulation and debt, together with a certain per centage in specie. Our commissioner enabled several of these swindling banks to start, by advancing Illinois bonds on a credit, in hopes that when the banks came into repute, they would receive payment in their notes. These banks all failed, I believe, in a short time, and the amount they received was nearly a total loss. Other State bonds, to a large amount, were left in various places on deposit, for sale, and others again freely sold on a credit, although the law required ready payment in cash at par. A large amount was left with Wright & Co. of London, for sale. Some half a million was sold, and then Wright & Co. failed, with the money and the residue of the bonds in their hands. The residue of the bonds was returned, but the State was obliged to come in as a creditor and share with others in their estate, for the money received. The State received a few shillings on the pound. I do not attempt to write a history of all the bungling, illegal and ill-advised negotiations of our commissioners. I mean to say enough to show that, at the special session in 1838-'9, the legislature was compelled by inevitable necessity to stop the system. And in fact that nearly the whole people obstinately shut their eyes to the perception of plain truths, until these truths burst upon them terrible as an army with banners. It may be supposed that this revulsion, this disappointment of cherished hopes, came upon the people with a crushing effect. It did so. Nevertheless there was but little discontent. The people looked one way and another with surprise, and were astonished at their own folly. They looked about for some one   [194] to blame, but there was no one. All were equally to be condemned. It was a maxim with many politicians, just to keep along even with the humor of the people, right or wrong. Any measure was to be considered right which was popular for the time being. The politician felt assured that if he supported a bad measure when it was popular, or opposed a good one when it was unpopular, he would never be called to account for it by the people. It was believed that the people never blame any one for misleading them; for it was thought that they had too good a conceit of themselves to suspect or admit that they could be misled. A misleader of the people, therefore, thought himself safe, if he could give present popularity to his measures. In fact it is true, that a public man will scarcely ever be forgiven for being right when the people are wrong. New contests, forever occurring, will make the people forget the cause of their resentment; but their resentment itself, or rather a prejudice which it sinks into, will be remembered and felt when the cause of it is forgotten. It is the perfect knowledge of this fact by politicians which makes so many of them ready to prostitute their better judgments to catch the popular breeze; and so it will always be, until the people have the capacity and the will to look into their affairs more carefully. Any reform in this particular must begin with the people themselves, and not with politicians. Reformation must work upwards from the people through the government, and not from the politicians down. For I still insist, that, as a general thing, the government will be a type of the people. The following are the ayes and nays on the passage of the internal improvement system in the House of Representatives. The names of prominent men are given in full. Those in favor of it were: Able, Aldrich, Atwater, Ball, Barnett, Charles, Courtright, Craig, John Crain, John Dougherly, John Dawson, Stephen A. Douglass, Dunbar, Edmonson, Ninian W. Edwards, William F. Elkin, Augustus C. French,   [195] Galbreath, Green of Clay, Green of St. Clair, Hankins, William W. Happy, Hinshaw, John Hogan, Lagow, Leary, Abram Lincoln, U. F. Linder; Logan, Lyons, McCormack, John A. McClerand, Madden, Morris, Minor, John Moore, Moore of St. Clair, Morton, Murphy of Perry, Murphy of Vermilion, Joseph Naper, James H. Ralston, Rawalt, Reddick, James Shields, Robert Sniith, Smith of Wabash, Dan Stone, Stuntz, Turley, Turney, Voris, Walker of Cook, Walker of Morgan, Watkins, Wilson, Wood, and James Semple, the Speaker. Those opposed to it were: Bently, Milton Carpenter, Cullom, Davis, Dairman, Dollins, Dubois, English, Enloe, John J. Hardin, John Harris, Lane, McGown, William McMurtry, William A. Minshall, Adam O'Neil, Pace, Paullen, William A. Richardson, Stuart, Thompson, Wheeler, Whitten, and Witt. And John Dement and William A. Minshall afterwards voted to concur in the amendments of the senate. Of those who voted for the measure on the final passage, or by concurring with the senate, Messrs. Crain, Dougherty, Dawson, Edwards, Elkin, Happy, Hogan, Naper, and Minshall, have been since often elected or appointed to other offices, and are yet all of them popular men. Hogan was appointed Commissioner of the Board of Public Works, and run by his party for Congress; Moore was elected to the Senate, and to be Lieut. Governor, and afterwards Lieut.-Colonel in the Mexican war; Stone and Ralston were elected to be Circuit Judges -- Ralston afterwards to be a Senator, and then run by his party for Congress; Linder has been Attorney-General and Member of the Legislature; Dement has been twice appointed Receiver of Public Moneys; Semple, to be Charge des Affaires at New Grenada, Judge of the Supreme Court, and Senator in Congress; Shields, to be Auditor, Judge of the Supreme Court, Commissioner of the General Land office, and Brigadier-General in the Mexican war; French was elected Governor in August, 1846; Lincoln was several times elected to the Legislature,   [196] and finally to Congress; and Douglass, Smith, and McClernand have been three times elected to Congress, and Douglass to the United States Senate. Being all of them spared monuments of popular wrath, evincing how safe it is to a politician, but how disastrous it may be to the country, to keep along with the present fervor of the people. * But the only hope now was that the State might not be able to borrow the money. This was soon taken away; for the fund commissioners succeeded in negotiating a loan in the summer of 1837; and before the end of the year the work had begun at many points on the railroads. The whole State was excited to the highest pitch of phrenzy and expectation. Money was as plenty as dirt. Industry instead of being stimulated, actually languished. We exported nothing; and everything from abroad was paid for by the borrowed money expended amongst us. And if our creditors have found us slow of payment, they have been justly punished for lending us the money. in doing so, they disappointed the only hope of the cool, reflecting men of the State. At the same time the work was going on upon the canal. The board of canal commissioners, in pursuance of law, projected a most magnificent work, and completed portions of it in a manner most creditable to the engineers and contractors. But here again the spirit of over-calculation did infinite mischief. The United States in 1826, had donated about 300,000 acres of land to this work. This land was estimated at the most exaggerated price. It was thought that its value was illimitable. As the fund appeared to be so great, a very large and deep ----------------- * These gentlemen have been excused upon the ground that they were instructed to vote as they did, and that they had every right to believe that they were truly reflecting the will of their constituents. But it appears to me that members ought to resign such small offices, to sacrifice a petty ambition, rather than become the milling tools of a deluded people, to bring so much calamity upon the country.   [197] canal was projected, to be fed by the waters of Lake Michigan. Governor Duncan had recommended the commencement of a steamboat canal, which according to our present experience, would have cost some $20,000,000, as a means of improving the navigation of the Illinois river and rendering its shores more healthy; and confidently relied upon Congress for additional appropriations of money or land to complete it. Such a recommendation from a distinguished source, bewildered and depraved the public intellect, and contributed in no small degree to form the inflated and bombastic notions which led to the extravagances of the internal improvement system. The legislature refused to sanction a steamboat canal; but nevertheless projected the work after a style of grandeur far beyond the means of the State. Several magnificent canal basins, and a steamboat canal and basin at the termination on the Illinois, were provided for. To complete the whole about $9,000,000 would be required. This sum, however, was regarded as a mere nothing, when compared with the then inflated ideas of the value of the canal lands. At the session of 1837, there were already great complaints of mismanagement on the parts of the banks; committees were appointed to examine them, but the examination resulted in no discovery of any importance. The only thing worthy to be remembered concerning it, is that one of the committee to examine the Shawneetown Bank, after his return, being asked what discoveries he had made, verbally reported that he had seen plenty of good liquor in the bank, and sugar to sweeten it with. But to return to the internal improvement system. The fund commissioners, by taking from the principal sums borrowed, managed to pay interest on the State debt until the meeting of the legislature in 1840. During the interim between the fall of the system and this meeting there was a terrible contest between the whigs and the democrats, for a President of the United States. Gen. Harrison was the candidate   [198] on one side, and Mr. Van Buren on the other. Nothing was heard in this contest but United States Bank, sub-treasury, tariff, free trade, patriots, friends of the country, spoilsmen, gold spoons, English carriages, extravagance, defalcations, petticoat-heroes, aristocrats, coons, log-cabins, and hard cider. Not one word of our local affairs. Thus was substituted in the public mind one species of insanity for another, which had worn out; and thus it was that both parties cheated themselves into a forgetfulness of the dreadful condition of the State. For previous to the explosion of the internal improvement system, a debt had been contracted for that and the canal of $14,237,348, not counting the debt to the school fund, or for deposits of surplus revenues; all of which was to be paid by a population of 478,929, according to the State census of 1840. And here is a proper place for some further account of political parties. In their origin, such parties seem to be founded partly in the nature of man, and much upon artifice. There is undoubtedly a difference in the mental and physical constitution of men, inclining them one way or the other in political affairs. Some distrust the people, others confide in their capacity for self-government. Some prefer a quiet government, others a stormy turbulence. The condition of men, also, has much to do with party; some are poor and lowly as to property; but proud in their hearts; others rich and well-born, with a power to make their pride felt by others. Some are ignorant and feeble--minded, others shrewd and intelligent; some are rough and ill-bred, others polished and graceful. In a word, some have superior advantages, which create them into a caste of their own. That portion enjoying these superior advantages, are apt to look down upon their less-gifted fellow-citizens with contempt or indifference; and to feel that as they are superior in some respects, they ought to be in all. They can have but little patience with the idea that the rabble is to govern the country. The people in humble condition look up to them   [199] with resentment and detestation. These remarks are not invariably true of either side, but it will be accorded to me that almost every neighborhood has some one richer than the rest, who puts on airs of importance, and manifests such a want of sympathy with his fellows, as to disgust his humbler neighbors; amongst whom there are those who, full of ill-nature, look upon such pretensions with envious resentment. These little big men, on both sides, of the neighborhood sort, are apt to feel the most thorough hatred for each other; their malice often supplying the place of principle and patriotism. They think they are devoted to a cause, when they only hate an opponent; and the more thoroughly they hate, the more thoroughly are they partisans. Here, originates the hostility between democracy and aristocracy, as if is said to exist in this country; and here originates the feeling of proscription, which is more violent amongst mere neighborhood politicians, men who never expect an office, than among politicians who have risen to distinction. The eminent politicians on each side frequently feel a liberality, personally to an adversary, which cannot be manifested without losing the confidence of their humbler friends. And this state of things are kept up by the party newspapers on each side, the editors of which well know that their most profitable harvest is during an excited contest. Newspapers are then more sought for and read; and then it is that an editor's funds best support him with money and patronage. It may be said with truth that a partisan editor is a continual candidate for the favor of his party; for which reason, it is his interest to make political contests interminable. The great mass of the people, who take newspapers at all, generally content themselves with one political paper of their own party. This and no other, except in the towns, they read from week to week, and from year to year, until they become thoroughly enlisted in all the quarrels of the editor, and imbued with all his malice and prejudice; and thus they become bound up in   [200] the most ill-natured, narrow-minded, pedantic conceits; fully convinced that their way, and no other, is right, and that all persons of the opposite party know it to be so. They feel assured that their political opponents, and particularly those of them who are elected to office, are a set of insufferable rogues, bent upon the enslavement of the people, or the ruin of the country. The rascality of the whigs, in the opinion of the democrats, is to end in enslaving the people, or to transfer the government to some foreign power; and the rascality of the democrats, in the opinion of the whigs, is to ruin the country. It is probably true that in something like this, is the natural difference, founded upon which parties will continue to be built, and that all efforts to get up third parties, not founded upon this difference, and all efforts to make new and merely temporary issues the permanent foundation of party, must be abortive. Some men are attached to one, and some to the other party, from conviction, interest, or the prejudices of education. I have already said that there was no question of principle, such as now divides parties; involved in the first election of Gen. Jackson. I speak only of Illinois. But as the measures of Gen. Jackson's administration were unfolded, it was discovered that he favored the doctrines of the old republican party. His attack upon the United States Bank, his veto of its charter in 1832, removal of the deposits in 1833, the expunging resolutions, and the specie circular, rallied all to his pasty who were of a nature to be hostile to the power of wealth. This is not to say that all wealthy men were excluded from, or all poor ones included in the democratic party. Many wealthy persons still remained democrats from principle, interest, or ambition; and many poor men attached themselves to the opposite party for like reasons. There is a class of the poor, over whom it is natural for the wealthy to exercise an influence; this class most generally lack the boldness and vigor to think and feel for   [201] themselves. Some are attached to the "rich and well-born," on account of their accomplishments and virtues, and others find it their interest to adhere to them. And there is always at class of wealthy men, who from pure benevolence, or from the love of the importance their wealth gives them as leaders, attach themselves to the democracy. The Jackson party had long called themselves democrats; the other party called themselves democratic republicans. The democrats began to call their opponents federalists; and these opponents, in 1833 or '4, began to call themselves whigs, a popular name of the revolution. The whigs, to be even with the democrats for calling them federalists, which they greatly resented, about the year 1837 gave to the democrats the name of locofocos, which they have persisted in calling the democrats ever since. * The whigs, knowing the influence of mere words in all human affairs, gave this uncouth name to the democrats, in hopes thereby to make them ashamed of it, disavow it, and prefer the name of whig. it has had no effect whatever on elections; but the whigs still keep it up, as if it had a power in it to blister and destroy, and no consideration on earth can induce them to relinquish it. In all this, there are just two things which are remarkable. It is remarkable that the whigs, by the mere influence of the newspapers, without any open agreement, have from one end of the Union to the other, adopted this name for their opponents, and have adhered to it now for nine years as the only name by which their opponents shall be known; and it is remarkable that the democratic party should have no squeamish men in its ranks, to run away from, or be disgusted with a party having so uncouth a name. Our old way of conducting elections required each aspirant for office to announce himself as a candidate. The more prudent, however, always first consulted a little caucus of select, influential friends. The candidates then travelled around the county or State, in proper person, making speeches, conversing   ------------------------- * (Note from 1945 Lakeside Press edition of this book): From about 1837 to 1860 the Democratic Party was called by its opponents the Locofoco Party. The name is supposed to have originated in New York City in 1835, when in a factional squabble at Tammany Hall a radical faction seized control of the city caucus, and when the opposition turned off the gas by which the room was lighted, produced candles and lighting them with locofoco matches continued the meeting.   [202] with the people, soliciting votes, whispering slanders against their opponents and defending themselves against the attacks of their adversaries. But it was not always best to defend against such attacks. A candidate, in a fair way to be elected, should never deny any charge made against him; for if he does, his adversaries will prove all they have said, and much more. As a candidate did not offer himself as the champion of any party, he usually agreed with all opinions, and promised everything demanded by the people; and most usually promised, either directly or indirectly, his support to all the other candidates for office at the same election. One of the arts was, to raise a quarrel with unpopular men, who were odious to the people; and thus try to be elected upon the unpopularity of others, as well as upon his own popularity. These modes of electioneering were not true of all the candidates, nor perhaps half of them, very many of them being gentlemen of first-rate integrity. After party spirit arose so as to require candidates to come out on party grounds, there was for a time no mode of concentrating the action of a party. A number of candidates would come out for the same office, on the same side. Their party would be split up and divided between them. In such a case, the minority party was almost sure of success, this being the only case in which one is stronger than many. As party spirit increased more and more, the necessity of some mode of concentrating the party strength became more and more apparent. The large emigration from the old States, bringing with it the zeal and party organization in which it had been trained from infancy, gave a new impulse to the consolidation of the strength of party. An attempt at this was early made by the New England and New York people living in the north part of the State, by introducing the convention system of nominating candidates. This system was first tried in counties and districts in the   [203] north; but, on account of the frauds and irregularities which first attended if, small progress was made in it from 1832, when its introduction was first attempted, until 1840, the people generally preferring the election of independent candidates. In 1837, Judge Douglass was nominated for Congress in the Peoria district, and in the winter of 1837, Col. James W. Stephenson was nominated by a State convention as a candidate for governor; and upon his inability to serve, on account of sickness, Thomas Carlin was nominated in the same way in the summer of 1838. At first, the system encountered the furious opposition of the whigs, who, being in the minority, were vitally interested to prevent the concentration of the democratic strength. The western democrats looked upon it with a good deal of suspicion. It was considered a Yankee contrivance, intended to abridge the liberties of the people, by depriving individuals, on their own mere motion, of the privilege of becoming candidates, and depriving each man of the right to vote for a candidate of his own selection and choice. The idea of conventions was first brought into the middle and lower part of the State by Ebenezer Peck, Esq., a member of the bar at Chicago, a man of plausible talents, who had formerly resided in Canada. He had there been elected to the provincial parliament by the liberal party, in opposition to the ultra monarchy party. But he had not been long in parliament before the governor of Canada appointed him King's Counsel, in return for which favor Mr. Peck left his old friends, to support the ultra monarchists. His position was an uneasy one; so, before long, he resigned his offices and removed to Chicago. Here he attached himself to the democratic party, but, on account of his defection in Canada, anything coming from him was viewed with suspicion and prejudice by many.   [204] At a great meeting of the lobby, during the special session of 1835-'6, at Vandalia, Mr. Peck made the first speech ever made in the lower part of the State in favor of the convention system. He was answered by William Jefferson Gatewood, democratic senator from Gallatin county, and some considerable interest was awakened on the subject among politicians. From this time the system won its way slowly, and now all the candidates for governor, lieutenant governor, and members of Congress, are brought before the people by conventions, and it pervades two-thirds of the State in nominating candidates for the legislature. The system has some advantages and disadvantages in this country. Those in favor of it say that it furnishes the only mode of concentrating the action of a party, and giving effect to the will of the majority. They justly urge, that since the organization of parties, the old system of electing from personal preference is carried into each party in the mere selection of candidates, which distracts the harmony of a party by introducing competition amongst distinguished men for the mere privilege of becoming candidates, without any means of deciding between them, except at the polls. Accordingly, it is strictly true that where two or more men of the same party are candidates, without a nomination, they are apt to hate each other tell times as intensely as they do the prominent men of the opposite party. A whig is to be elected by whigs, a democrat by democrats. The success of either depends upon the number and strength of their respective parties; but an aspiring whig or democrat has still to seek support in his own party, in opposition to his own prominent political friends, by a canvass of his merits as a man. Such being the case, it is not likely that the ambitious men of the same party, who are excited against each other by mere personal contests, will   [205] decline in favor of others, so as to have but a single candidate for the same office in the same party. Without a nomination, a party may be greatly in the majority, but by being divided on men, the minority may succeed in the elections, and actually govern the majority. To remedy this evil, it was proposed by conventions of delegates, previously elected by the people to provide but a single set of candidates for the same party. It was also urged by some, that these bodies would be composed of the best-informed and principal men of a party, and would be more competent than the people at large, to select good men for candidates. This body to the people, would be like a grand jury to a circuit court. As the court would have no power to try any one for crime without a previous indictment by the grand jury, so the people would have no right to elect any one to office without a nomination by a convention. In the one case innocent men could not be publicly accused and tried for crime, without a private examination of their guilt, and establishing a probability of its existence; so the people would be restrained from electing any one to office without a previous nomination of a body more fitted to judge of his qualifications. The convention system was said to be a salutary restraint upon universal suffrage, compelling the people to elect men of standing, who alone could be nominated by conventions. On the other side, it was urged, that the whole, convention system was a fraud on the people; that it was a mere fungus growth engrafted upon the constitution; that conventions themselves were got up and packed by cunning, active, intriguing politicians, to suit the wishes of a few. The mode of getting them up, was for some active man to procure a few friends in each precinct of a county, to hold primary meetings, where delegates were elected to county conventions, who met at the county seats, and nominated candidates for the legislature and for county offices; and appointed other delegates to district and State conventions, to nominate candidates for Congress and for governor. The great   [206] difficulty was in the primary meetings in the precincts. in the Eastern States, where conventions originated, they had township governments, little democracies, where the whole people met in person at least once a year, to lay taxes for roads and for the support of schools and the poor. This called the whole people of a township together, enlightened their minds and accustomed them to take a lively interest in their government; and whilst assembled they could and did elect their delegates to conventions. In this mode a convention reflected the will of a part;y, as much as the legislature reflected the will of the whole people. But how is it in Illinois? We had no township governments, no occasions for a general meeting of the people, except at the elections themselves; the people did not attend the primary meetings; a few only assembled, who were nearest the places of meeting, and these were too often mere professional politicians, the loafers about the towns, who having but little business of their own, were ever ready to attend to the affairs of the public. This threw the political power out of the hands of the people, merely because they would not exercise it, into the hands of idlers -- of a few active men, who controlled them. If any one desired an office, he never thought of applying to the people for it; but passed them by, and applied himself to conciliate the managers and idlers about the towns, many of whom could only be conciliated at an immense sacrifice of the public interest. If is true that a party had the reserved right of rebellion against all this machinery; no one could be punished for treason in so doing, otherwise than by losing the favor of his party, and being denounced as a traitor; which was almost as efficacious in restraining the refractory as the pains and penalties of treason, the hanging and embowelling of former times. My own opinion of the convention system is, that if can never be perfect in Illinois, without the organization of little township democracies, such as are found in New York and New England; that in a State where the people are highly intelligent, and not   [207] indifferent to public affairs, if will enable the people themselves to govern, by giving full effect to the will of the majority; but among a people who are either ignorant of or indifferent to the affairs of their government, the convention system is a most admirable contrivance to enable active leaders to govern without much responsibility to the people. By means of the convention system, and many exciting contests, the two parties of whigs and democrats were thoroughly organized and disciplined by the year 1840. No regular army could have excelled them in discipline. They were organized upon the principles of national politics only, and not in any degree upon those of the State. The first effect of this seemed to be, that all ideas of State rights, State sovereignty, State policy and interests, as party questions, were abolished out of men's minds. Our ancestors had greatly relied upon the organization of State sovereignties, as checks to anti-republican tendencies, and national consolidation. For this purpose, all the State constitutions, Illinois amongst the rest, had declared, that no person holding an office under the United States should hold an office under the State government. The object of this was, to sever all dependence of the State upon the national government. If was not permitted the President to appoint the officers of the State governments, for this would at once lay the State governments at the feet of the President. But if the State officers were not appointed by the President, they were elected upon a principle which made them, if belonging to his political friends, as subservient to his will as if he had appointed them. The President was the leader of his party in the nation, and there was no principle of party in the State but this. Men were elected to office upon the popularity of the President, and upon the principles which the President put forth; and they were thus compelled, in self-defence, to support and defend him, through good and evil, right or wrong, as much as if they owed their offices to his gift. Besides this, their parties absolutely   [208] required them to do so. It may be remarked here as a curious fact, that the politicians all over the nation, pretending to be most in favor of State rights and State sovereignty, have contributed most to overthrow them, by forever insisting upon the organization of parties, purely upon national questions. This dependence of State upon national politics, and the exclusive devotion of State politicians to national questions, was the true cause why so little attention was paid to the policy of the State. These remarks are equally applicable to both political parties. But it is as necessary that the affairs of the United States should be attended to by the people as those of the State, and the misfortunes which a neglect of affairs at home has caused, may possibly have been the price of government in the nation. A new legislature was elected in 1840, which, although they were chosen under the influence of the presidential election of that year, were obliged to think somewhat upon the public condition. The fund commissioners stated the difficulty of meeting the January interest of 1841. As yet the canal had not wholly stopped, and the canal men were interested to keep up the credit of the State; and something desperate must be done for that purpose. The canal contractors had taken their jobs when all prices were high. By the fall of prices, they could make a large profit on their work, and lose twenty-five per cent. They, therefore, had agreed to take a million of State bonds at par, in payment of their estimates. Gen. Thornton was deputed to go to Europe with the bonds, and sell them for what they would bring, not less than seventy-five per cent.; the contractors suffering the loss. This they could well afford to do; and by this expedient the work on the canal had been continued, long after that on the railroads had been abandoned. The canal was not yet looked upon as dead, and a great effort was to be made to raise the means to keep if in life, and sustain the credit of the State,   [209] without which if was known that the canal would not live an hour. The time was short, only six weeks until the interest would become due; and many expedients were proposed to raise the money; but the one which met most general favor, was a new issue of bonds to be hypothecated for whatever they would bring in market. This was a desperate remedy, and showed the zeal of the legislature in sustaining the public honor. It proposed a plan of raising money, which, if pursued as the settled policy of the State, must end in utter ruin. Nevertheless, it was but feebly opposed on this ground. The principal ground of opposition was an objection to paying interest at all; and particularly to paying interest upon bonds, for which the State had received nothing, or less than par. Now was heard for the first time, any very earnest complaints against the acts of the fund commissioners, in selling bonds on a credit, and for less than their face; and it was seriously and earnestly contended, first, that the State was hopelessly insolvent, that any effort to pay would be ridiculous and futile, and secondly, that the State was not bound to pay interest on more money than had been actually received. An amendment to this effect was offered, and strenuously insisted on. On the other hand, it was insisted with reason, that the State was bound to do everything in its power to meet its engagements; that if bonds had been erroneously issued, it had been done by the State agents, selected and chosen by the State itself; for whose conduct the State must be responsible. It was admitted, that if such bonds remained in the hands of the original purchasers, as to them the State would be entitled to a deduction for money not actually received. But it was as earnestly contended, that if such bonds had passed into the hands of bona fide holders, who were no parties to the original deficiency of consideration, the State was liable in equity, as well as at law, to pay the face of the bond. There seems to be   [210] an obvious propriety in this view of the case. Because the bonds were issued by State agents, appointed by the State, not by its creditors. The constituted authorities of the State ought to have chosen better men for public trusts; and if they did not do so, the State is justly responsible for their blunders. It seems to be a principle of law, as well as of equity, that if the State selects bad men, or those who are incompetent to act as its agents, the State thus abusing its power, and not individuals who had no hand in their appointment, ought to suffer the consequences of its folly, or want of devotion to its own interests. This doctrine, if established, will be a lesson to the people, and teach them to be considerate and careful in electing their public servants. These conflicting opinions were near preventing any action on the subject at this session. At last, Mr. Cavarly, a member from Greene, introduced a bill of two sections, authorizing the fund commissioner to hypothecate internal improvement bonds to the amount of $300,000, and which contained the remarkable provision, that the proceeds were to be applied by that officer to the payment of all interest legally due on the public debt. Thus shifting from the General Assembly, and devolving on the fund commissioner, the duty of deciding on the legality of the debt. And by this happy expedient conflicting opinions were reconciled, without direct action on the matter of controversy; and thus the two houses were enabled to agree upon a measure to provide temporarily for the payment of the interest on the public debt. The legislature further provided at this session for the issue of interest bonds, to be sold in the market for what they would bring; and an additional tax of ten cents on the hundred dollars worth of property was imposed and pledged to pay the interest on these bonds. By these contrivances the interest for January and July, 1841, was paid. The fund commissioner hypothecated internal improvement bonds for the money first due; and his successor in office, finding no   [211] sale for Illinois stocks, so much had the credit of the State fallen, was compelled to hypothecate $804,000 of interest bonds for the July interest; on this hypothecation he was to have received $321,600, but was never paid more than $261,500. These bonds have never been redeemed from the holders, though eighty of them were afterwards repurchased, and $315,000 of them were received from the Shawneetown Bank for State stock in that institution.   [212] CHAPTER VII. Reform of the Supreme Court -- Chief Justice Wilson -- Justices Lockwood and Brown -- Secretary of State and alien questions -- Alexander P. Field -- John A. McClernand -- Decision of the Supreme Court -- Popular excitement -- Decision of a Circuit Judge on the alien question -- Commotion among the Democrats -- Suspicions of the Supreme Court -- Mode of deciding political questions -- Mode of reforming the Court -- Violence of the measure Reluctance of some Democrats -- Obstinacy of others -- How a politician must work in a party -- Judge Douglass' speech in the lobby -- Evasive decision of the Court -- Judge Smith's intrigues and character -- Passage of the bill -- Motives of both parties -- Prejudice against the Supreme Court -- Moral power with the people of the Judges of the Supreme and Circuit Courts -- Breaking of the banks -- Causes which lead to it -- Bank suspensions -- Power of the State Bank over the Legislature -- Special session -- Struggle to forfeit the Bank Charters -- Whigs secede -- Call of the House -- Jumping out of the windows -- Democratic victory -- Thrown away before the end of the session -- New suspensions -- Small bills -- Fierceness of parties against each other -- Views of both parties concerning banking, and of each other. There were other measures of great interest to the people which came before the legislature of 1840, the principal of which was a bill to reform the Judiciary. The people of the State, at the election of 1840, had sustained Mr. Van Buren, the democratic candidate for President, and both branches of the legislature were largely of the same party. The majority of the judges of the supreme court were whigs. Judge Smith was the only democratic member of the court, whilst Chief Justice Wilson, and his associates Lockwood and Brown, were the minority party. It is due to truth here to say, that Wilson and Lockwood were in every respect amiable and accomplished gentlemen in private life, and commanded the esteem and respect of all good men for the purity of their conduct and their probity in official station. Wilson was a Virginian of the old sort, a man of good education, sound judgment, and an elegant writer, as his published opinions will show.   [213]   [214]   [215]   [216]   [217]   [218]   [219]   [220]   [221]   [222]   [223]   [224]   [225]   [226]   [227]   [228] CHAPTER VIII. Progress of settlements -- Colleges -- Education -- Society -- Religion -- literature -- John M. Peck -- James Hall -- John Russell -- Newspapers -- Effects of speculation -- Plenty of money -- Credit -- Debts -- Usury -- High rates of interest -- History of mobs -- Alton Mob -- Lovejoy -- Abolitionists -- Mobs in Pope county -- Mobs in the north -- Ogle county mob -- Cause of mobs in free counties -- Jo Smith -- Origin of the Mormons -- Their settlement in Missouri -- Troubles there -- Settlement in Ohio -- Kirtland Bank -- Mormons return to Missouri -- Mormon war there -- Expulsion from Missouri -- Settlement of the Mormons in Illinois -- Politics of the Mormons -- Martin Van Buren -- Henry Clay -- John J. Stuart -- Doctor Bennett -- Senator Little -- Stephen A. Douglass -- Mormon charters -- Nauvoo legion -- Popular clamor against the Mormons -- Arrest of Jo Smith -- Trial before Judge Douglass -- Nomination of Mr. Snyder as the democratic candidate for Governor -- Governor Duncan again a candidate -- The Mormons declare for the democrats -- Governor Duncan attacks the Mormons and the Mormon charters -- Death of Snyder -- His character -- Nomination of the author in his place -- Reasons for this nomination -- Further examination into the practical operations of government -- Election of the author -- The Governor, Auditor and Treasurer forbid the receipt of Bank paper for taxes -- Condition of the State in 1842. By the year 1840, the whole State had been settled, except some of the wide prairies far from timber. There was no longer any more wilderness. The country in Henry county, though as good as any other part of the State, I believe was the last to be settled in 1838. Several colleges and academies had been built and were in successful operation. The Illinois college, at Jacksonville, under the direction of the Presbyterians, was built by an association of gentlemen of Boston. Shurtliff college at Alton, was established under the direction of the Baptists; McKendree college at Lebanon, under the direction of the Methodists; and McDonough college at Macomb, and Knox college, at Galesburg, were established also by the Presbyterians. The Catholics established a flourishing nunnery at the ancient town of Kaskaskia for the education of females; Bishop   [229] Chase, with the aid of contributions from the members of the Episcopal church and others, established Jubilee college in Peoria county; and the Methodists established a flourishing seminary at Mount Morris, in the county of Ogle. Beside these there were numerous academies and high schools in many parts of the State. Opportunities for education in the higher branches were good for all who were able and willing to profit by them. Common schools flourished in many places, more than could have been expected, when all efficient encouragement to them had been abandoned by the Government. Chicago, Alton, Springfield, Quincy, Galena, and Nauvoo, had become cities before the year 1842. To these has since been added the city of Peoria. Most of the county seats had grown up to be towns of from five to fifteen hundred inhabitants; and there were many other villages in many of the counties containing a population of from one hundred to a thousand souls. The towns contained a good deal of intelligence, polish, and eloquence. It must not be thought that the people of this new country had just sprung up out of the ground, with no advantages of education and society. They were nearly all of them emigrants from the old States, being often the most intelligent and enterprising of their population. As such, they were just a slice off of the great loaf of the old States. But they were not apt to be so considered by the latest comers. These always imagined that they were come to a land of comparative ignorance, and that they must necessarily be superior to the people already here, until they were convinced to the contrary by finding out that their pretensions had made them ridiculous; and if their pretensions were noticed at all, it was only to be laughed at. It was no uncommon thing to find families of these last new comers scattered all over the country, forever complaining of the want of good society; and of the many privations they endured in a new country. These complaints were uttered, not so much because they were true, as to   [230] let people know that those who made them, were somebodies where they came from. The same kind of people to show themselves off as something superior to others, were forever uttering sarcasms and slighting remarks of the State and the people. If was no uncommon thing to find them in all the taverns, stages-coaches and steamboats, letting on, that although their destiny compelled them to live in the State, yet they knew how degraded the rest of the people were as well as he who resided in a city, or lived in a palace. Indeed, the bodies only of a great many people and not their minds lived in the State. It was difficult to forget the father-land. Most of the emigrants remembered New York, or New England, or their other places of nativity, with affection and lively interest. A man from Massachusetts took a newspaper from his native town, he watched the progress of politics, the success of men and parties, and the history of government there, with as much interest as if he had never removed. And so of the emigrants from other States. It was natural it should be so. But whilst it was so, it is to be feared that matters suffered at home. There was but little State pride for Illinois. Illinois could be abused anywhere with impunity. I hope yet to live to see the day in Illinois, as it is in Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, South Carolina, New York, and New England, that no one will be suffered to abuse the State without being scorned and insulted. It is true that a State pride must be deserved before it can exist. The people must have something to be proud of. The State will never really prosper without this State pride. It is the greatest incentive to excellence in government, and in everything else, for the people to be proud of their country. * -------------------------- * It seems to me that the people of Illinois may now justly be proud of their State. They have with great unanimity put down the hideous monster of repudiation; contrary to the instigations of numerous demagogues they have submitted cheerfully to be taxed to pay their just debts; they are about to see their canal, one of the greatest works in   [231] As new people came in they, brought with them their religion and literature, Churches now began to be rapidly established in the towns, and in many country places. Pastors were regularly settled and paid; church buildings were erected, divided off into pews; and the sound of the "church-going bell" began to be heard. It soon become fashionable to attend some church, and constant attendance induced many to join as members. During the previous period of our history, our literature was principally confined to mere newspaper writing, which discussed mostly the mere affairs of party, or the claims of some man to an office; or the demerit of an opponent. John M. Peck, of Rock Spring, in St. Clair county, published a State Gazetteer, a work of considerable labor and well written; John Russell, of Bluff Dale, published some fugitive essays and tales in the newspapers, which marked him as a man of genius and a fine writer; and Judge James Hall early distinguished himself as a scholar and writer. He published at Vandalia, an Illinois monthly magazine of high merit; and an annual called "the Western Souvenir," a collection of original tales and poetry, written principally by himself, evincing such merit as to make him distinguished all over the United States, as an author. But there was not sufficient patronage in Illinois at that time for the pursuits of literature; so Judge Hall removed to Cincinnati, -------------------------- America, completed. Their legislatures have improved in knowledge, public spirit and patriotism, ever since 1840; which was about the darkest time in public affairs. And when the services of her sons were called for in the Mexican war, 8,370 of them in a few weeks answered the call, though only 3,720 (four regiments) could be taken. Every one of these regiments afterwards distinguished themselves for unheard-of courage in the severest battles ever fought on this continent. Hardin, Bissell, Weatherford, Morrison, Trail, Warren, are proud names associated with the glorious victory of Buena Vista. Shields, Baker, Harris, Coffey, and others, will be remembered as long as the capture of Vera Cruz, or the storming of Cerro Gordo, are remembered. What did Kentucky ever do more than this?   [232] where he now resides. But before he left Illinois he had acquired a high reputation as a writer. The great plenty of money brought here by the work on the canal and the railroads, set up a great many merchants all over the country in business; it increased the stocks of goods brought to be sold; created unnatural competition amongst the merchants to sell; who were forced to sell on a credit or not at all. The people were encouraged to buy on credit, and when their debts became due, for want of money to pay them, they gave their notes to the merchants with twelve per cent. interest, which the reader will observe hereafter was the cause of some strange legislation on the collection of debts, and caused the reduction of the rate of interest to six per cent. Until the year 1833, there had been no legal limit to the rate of interest to be fixed by contract. But usury had been carried to such an unprecedented degree of extortion and oppression, as to cause the legislature to enact severe usury laws, by which all interest above twelve per cent. was condemned. It had been no uncommon thing before this, to charge one hundred and one hundred and fifty per cent., and sometimes two and three hundred per cent. But the common rate of interest by contract had been about fifty per cent. In the year 1840, the people called Mormons came to this State, and settled in Hancock county, and as their residence amongst us led to a mobocratic spirit, which resulted in their expulsion, it is proper here to notice other incidents of this sort, in our previous history. In 1816 and '17, in the towns of the territory, the country was overrun with horse-thieves and counterfeiters. They were so numerous, and so well combined together in many counties, as to set the laws at defiance. Many of the sheriffs, justices of the peace, and constables, were of their number; and even some of the judges of the county courts; and they had numerous friends to aid them and sympathize with them, even   amongst those who were the least suspected. When any of them were arrested, they either escaped from the slight jails of those times, or procured some of their gang to be on the jury; and they never lacked witnesses to prove themselves innocent. The people formed themselves into revolutionary tribunals in many counties, under the name of "Regulators"' and the governor and judges of the territory, seeing the impossibility of executing the laws in the ordinary way, against an organized banditti, who set all law at defiance, winked at and encouraged the proceedings of the regulators. These regulators in number generally constituted about a captain's company, to which they gave a military organization, by the election of officers. The company generally operated at night. When assembled for duty, they marched, armed and equipped as if for war, to the residence or lurking-place of a rogue, arrested, tried, and punished him by severe whipping and banishment from the territory. In this mode most of the rogues were expelled from the country; and it was the opinion of the best men at the time, that in the then divided and disorganized state of society, and the imperfect civilization which required such proceedings, were not only justifiable, but absolutely necessary for the existence of government. There yet remained, however, for many years afterwards, a noted gang of rogues in the counties of Pope and Massac, and other counties bordering on the Ohio river. This gang built a fort in Pope county, and set the government at open defiance. In the year 1831, the honest portion of the people in that region assembled under arms in great numbers, and attacked the fort with small arms and one piece of artillery. The fort was taken by storm, with the loss of one of the regulators and three of the rogues killed in the assault. The residue of the rogues were taken prisoners, tried for their crimes, but I believe were never convicted. At a later time, a number of rogues who had located themselves   in the county of Edger, were broken up, whipped, and expelled by a company of regulators from the Wabash valley, the present Governor French being a distinguished member of the regulators. In 1837 a series of mobs took place in Alton, which resulted in the destruction of an abolition press, and in the death of one of the rioters and one of the abolitionists. This affair has made a great noise in the world, and is deserving of a more extended notice. It appears that the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, of the Presbyterian church, had attempted to publish an abolition paper in St. Louis, but his press had there been destroyed by a mob, and he himself had been expelled from the city. Mr. Lovejoy now determined to remove his establishment to Alton. The press for this purpose was landed on Sunday, but during that night was thrown into the river by the citizens. There was much excitement on the subject, and a public meeting was called on Monday evening to be held in the Presbyterian church, which was attended by an immense concourse of people. Mr. Lovejoy first addressed the meeting. He said he came to Alton to establish a religious newspaper. He was pleased with the place, and wished to remain; there most of his subscribers resided in Illinois; and it would best suit his purposes and theirs that he should do so. He disliked St. Louis, and he disliked slavery. He regretted that he had met with such a reception at Alton; he presumed that the people had misconceived his object. He was no abolitionist; he believed the abolitionists were injuring the colored race; he had repeatedly denounced them, and had been himself denounced by Garrison and others, as being in favor of slavery, because he was unwilling to go with the abolitionists in favor of all their measures. He was opposed to slavery to be sure; he had ever been, and hoped he always would be opposed to it, and he wished to get away from the evil of it. Whilst at St. Louis, where slavery   [235] existed, he felt bound to oppose it. For so doing his press had been mobbed and himself insulted. He had resolved to come to a free State, and he thanked his God that he was now re moved from slavery. He could now publish a religious newspaper without meddling with the subject of slavery; he could entertain his opinions; but being removed from the evil, he would have no cause to express them. Indeed, said he, it would look like cowardice to flee from the place where the evil existed and come to a place where it did not exist, to oppose it. The people understood this to be a pledge of Mr. Lovejoy, that he would not mingle the question of slavery with the discussions in his paper; and upon this condition he was permitted to set up the "Alton Observer" without opposition. Time rolled on: the paper extended its circulation, but solely as a religious paper, heralding the peaceful gospel of the blessed God, which is peace on earth and good-will to men. After some time, slavery was very moderately referred to, and then denounced. Soon after, the paper became moderately abolitionist. Next, some of the most respectable citizens were denounced as being in favor of slavery, and held up to public scorn because they dared to speak their opinions of the abolitionists; and ultimately, in the course of a year it became decidedly an abolition paper of the fiercest sort, and religion was pressed into its service as a mere incident and auxiliary to the main cause of abolitionism. The mob spirit of Alton became aroused. The people thought that they had nurtured a viper to bite them and destroy their peace. The pledge of Mr. Lovejoy was remembered. He was urged by his friends to desist from his course, but no consideration could shake his inflexible resolution. He only became more violent, and his denunciations more personal. A public meeting was called to induce him, by peaceable means if possible, to return to his original pledge. A committee was appointed to wait on him, and call his attention to his original   [236] promises. He denied making such promises, and contended for the freedom of the press, and his right to unbounded liberty as one of its conductors. He read to the committee a long homily on mobs; and appeared to think that the action of a mob, by creating sympathy for him, would spread his renown, and immortalize his labors. The positive denial of a minister of the gospel of what hundreds had heard him declare, increased the rage of the people, which was blown into a consuming fury by a letter which appeared in the "Plain Dealer," in which the leading men of Alton were denounced because they did not throw themselves into the breach, and protect Mr. Lovejoy at the risk of their lives in conducting a press employed to vilify themselves, and to support a cause which they believed to be fraught with injury to all concerned. The people assembled and quietly took the press and types and threw them into the Mississippi. It now became manifest to all rational men that the "Alton Observer" could no longer be published in Alton as an abolition paper. The more reasonable of the abolitionists themselves thought it would be useless to try it again. However, a few of them, who were most violent, seemed to think that the salvation of the black race depended upon continuing the publication at Alton. They celled a private meeting to consult, into which were admitted Messrs. Godfrey and Gilman, and the Rev. Mr. Hogan, who were not abolitionists. All expressed their opinions. Some were for re-establishing the press, and sustaining it at all hazards. Others thought it would be madness to make the attempt, and they believed that the efforts already made had come near destroying the religious feeling of the community, and breaking up the peace and harmony of the churches. Mr. Lovejoy complained that Mr. Godfrey, who was a leading Presbyterian, and the Rev. Mr. Hogan, had declared that if the "Observer" were again established they could do nothing to protect it from the mob; but he forgot to state that these gentlemen could not recognize as the cause of God   [237] that which had done so much evil. They had seen the effect of abolitionism in the slave Slates, where, instead of breaking the fetters of the slave, it had increased their strength and severity. They conscientiously believed that abolitionism was wrong -- they could not risk their lives in its defence. The majority, however, determined to re-establish the "Observer" as an abolition paper; and as preparatory thereto, they put out a call for a convention, to be held in Upper Alton, on the 26th of October, 1837, of all such persons in Illinois as were opposed to slavery, and in favor of free discussion. The convention assembled; and although the call was for all persons opposed to slavery, yet an attempt was made to exclude all who would not avow themselves to be abolitionists, all others being set down as opposed to free discussion. The trustees of the Preshyterian church would not allow it to assemble in their place of worship, unless all were allowed to come who were opposed to slavery. This was finally acceded to, and many such took seats in the convention. A commiftee was appointed to prepare business, and in the afternoon the Rev. Mr. Beecher, then President of Illinois College, was to preach a sermon before the convention. The committee of two abolitionists and one opposed to them, made a majority and minority report, and President Beecher held forth in a violent harangue against slavery. Mr. Beecher was a man of great learning and decided talents; but he belonged to the class of reformers who disregard all considerations of policy and expediency. He believed slavery to be a sin and a great evil, and his indignant and impatient soul could not await God's own good time to overthrow it, by acts of his providence working continual change and revolution in the affairs of men. He contended that slavery was wrong, sinfully and morallywrong, and ought not to be borne with an instant. No Constitution could protect it. If the Constitution sanctioned iniquity, the Constitution was wrong in the sight of God, and could not be   [238] binding upon the people of this country. For his part, he did not sanction the Constitution. It was not binding on him; and whilst it tolerated slavery it could not be. Several other speeches of a like nature were made on the same side, which were answered by Usher F. Linder, the Attorney General, and by the Rev. Mr. Hogan. The next day an abolition society was secretly formed at the house of the Rev. Mr. Hurlbut, in Upper Alton, believed to be the first ever formed in Illinois. Mr. Beecher was appointed to preach in the Upper Alton Presbyterian church on the following Sunday. Here his lectures against slavery were continued until Monday evening. No outbreak had taken place, and Upper Alton was looked upon as conquered. This encouraged a similar effort in the main city on the bank of the river. Accordingly, it was announced that on Tuesday Mr. Beecher would deliver the same lectures in Lower Alton which he had delivered in the upper town. On this day another abolition press was expected to arrive in a steamboat. The abolitionists announced that they were organized with a company of forty men, armed with muskets, fully determined and prepared to defend it at every hazard. The people, in a high state of excitement, flocked to the river in great numbers. The steamboat came, but no press was on board. The evening approached. Mr. Beecher was to deliver his address. The abolitionists assembled at the church under arms. Armed to the teeth with muskets and other deadly weapons, they were seen wending their way to the house of God; and at the close of the service, as the people returned to their homes, the moonlight was reflected from the swords and guns of fifteen members of the church, stationed in the vestibule, Such was religion, when made the mere ally and auxiliary of fanaticism. This was too much. Men could not endure such an outrage. I do not apologize for mobs, all of which I would crush forever, in every part of this free country. But no language can be loaded with sufficient   [239] severity for the fanatical leaders who, by their violence, by their utter disregard of honest prejudices, drove a peaceful community to a temporary insanity, and to the commission of enormous crimes. On Wednesday was to be observed that peculiar calm which indicates an approaching storm. The sayings and doings of Tuesday were talked over. Many who before had taken no part, were now active on the side of the mob. Indignation blazed on every face. As no outbreak had yet occurred, the abolitionists believed that they had triumphed. In a secret meeting, they determined to re-establish the press at the point of the bayonet. The people could not bear such threatenings, and now the waves of excitement rolled to the height of mountains. The Rev. Mr. Hogan, in taking the side he did, retained considerable power with the populace. He was appealed to, to allay the threatening storm. He called twenty or thirty of the most moderate on each side, to a meeting at his counting-house. One party seemed willing to compromise matters and bring about an adjustment. Mr. Beecher, at the head of the other, was unwilling to make the slightest concession. He contended for all their abstract rights, and demanded all the guarantees of the government and the Constitution, at the same time that heard his friends were contending for their right to trample upon both. He invoked the Constitution for his protection. He wanted others to be bound by it, whilst he refused to render it obedience himself. He insisted that all that he claimed should be awarded, to the slightest particular. He would retract nothing, compromise nothing, and no consideration could induce him to accede to other terms. In all this Mr. Beecher displayed that heroic obstinacy, which, when accompanied by good sense and powerful talents, and working with the natural current of events, has overthrown governments and systems, and revolutionized the moral and almost the physical world. But here it was exerted in a cause which   [240] could not succeed, at least at that time. This meeting was about to adjourn, when it was proposed and resolved to appoint a committee to devise and report some means of adjustment to a meeting to be held next day at 2 o'clock. The committee met, and it was stated to be impossible, after what had transpired, for Mr. Lovejoy to continue his paper. A resolution was passed proposing any other editor, and for Mr. Lovejoy to seek some other field of labor, which was reported to the meeting next day. It is believed that Lovejoy himself would have acceded to this arrangement, but not so with Mr. Beecher and his other friends. Pride and obstinacy were both aroused to demand a triumph, in which principle was less considered than victory. Had they made the least concession, the scene which followed, resulting in the death of two human beings, would probably never have taken place. The hour of two having arrived, the people assembled in the court-house, and the committee, by their chairman, made their report, one calculated to still the troubled elements. Mr. Linder made some remarks calculated to restore peace, and prepared the large meeting then assembled to calmly consider the exceedingly serious matters then before them. Mr. Lovejoy now arose, and commenced his speech, which was very mild and affecting, in which he deprecated the action of the meeting and the report of the committee. He said he had thought of leaving Alton and going elsewhere, but a voice came to him from the east, urging him to remain; here he would stay; he could not leave his post, without being pursued by the Spirit of God to his destruction. The people might mob him, or do anything they pleased; he could not, and he would not be driven away; he would live there, and die there. The Spirit of God urged him to contend for his rights, and for a holy cause. He denied that he had ever given any pledges, and called on Mr. Hogan to sustain him in this denial. He never had yielded his rights (he had forgotten his flight from St. Louis), he   [241] never would yield them, and he would die contending for them. Mr. Lovejoy closed his remarks in a state of great excitement, and the meeting was quite in an uproar, when Mr. Hogan rose, and endeavored to throw some oil on the troubled waters. He said that the meeting had been convened, not to consider each man's abstract rights, but to inquire into the doctrine of expediency, and how far we could relinquish the plea of right for the sake of peace. The great apostle had said, All things are lawful for me; but all things are not expedient. If Paul yielded to the law of expediency, would it be wrong for them, for Mr. Lovejoy also, following his example? The Spirit of God did not pursue Paul to his destruction for thus acting; but, on the contrary, had commended hi